dimanche
En refusant de baisser les prix du pétrole, le gouvernement augmente ses recettes selon Kesner Pharel
Radio Métropole
Samedi, 18 octobre 2008 14:15
Des responsables de 14 syndicats du secteur public annoncent la tenue d’un sit-in devant la primature le 23 octobre afin de forcer le gouvernement à baisser les prix de l’essence. Un porte parole de ces syndicats dénonce le laxisme des autorités qui n’ont entrepris aucune action pour soulager la misère de la population.
Les représentants de ces syndicats estiment que le chef de l’état, René Préval, est le principal obstacle à la baisse du prix du carburant. En début de semaine, le syndicat des propriétaires chauffeurs (APCH) avait lancé un ultimatum de 7 jours au gouvernement pour baisser les prix des produits pétroliers à la pompe.
L’économiste Kesner Pharel soutient qu’Haïti bénéficie de la baisse des prix du pétrole sur le marché mondial. " Une diminution de la facture pétrolière contribue à réduire le déficit de la balance commerciale ce qui atténuera les tensions sur le marché des changes ainsi que les pressions inflationnistes", explique t-il.
Selon M. Pharel en maintenant les prix élevés à la pompe les autorités financières profitent de l’occasion pour augmenter les recettes de l’état. " Une telle situation favorise une stabilité macro économique mais des consommateurs attendent impatiemment une baisse de l’essence ce qui renforcera leur pouvoir d’achat", ajoute t-il.
" Une faut une certaine décence des autorités pour respecter le décret qui a été appliqué lors de la hausse des prix du pétrole sur le marché mondial", argue M. Pharel.
Les prix du baril de pétrole ont rebondi vendredi à New York, après être tombés la veille sous les 70 dollars, les investisseurs anticipant une réduction de la production de l'Opep lors de sa réunion d'urgence convoquée la semaine prochaine.
L'Organisation des pays exportateurs de pétrole a avancé au 24 octobre une réunion d'urgence initialement fixée au 18 novembre, alors que le baril est tombé jeudi sous les 70 dollars à New York, au plus bas depuis août 2007. Les prix ont été divisés par plus de deux depuis le mois de juillet.
Samedi, 18 octobre 2008 14:15
Des responsables de 14 syndicats du secteur public annoncent la tenue d’un sit-in devant la primature le 23 octobre afin de forcer le gouvernement à baisser les prix de l’essence. Un porte parole de ces syndicats dénonce le laxisme des autorités qui n’ont entrepris aucune action pour soulager la misère de la population.
Les représentants de ces syndicats estiment que le chef de l’état, René Préval, est le principal obstacle à la baisse du prix du carburant. En début de semaine, le syndicat des propriétaires chauffeurs (APCH) avait lancé un ultimatum de 7 jours au gouvernement pour baisser les prix des produits pétroliers à la pompe.
L’économiste Kesner Pharel soutient qu’Haïti bénéficie de la baisse des prix du pétrole sur le marché mondial. " Une diminution de la facture pétrolière contribue à réduire le déficit de la balance commerciale ce qui atténuera les tensions sur le marché des changes ainsi que les pressions inflationnistes", explique t-il.
Selon M. Pharel en maintenant les prix élevés à la pompe les autorités financières profitent de l’occasion pour augmenter les recettes de l’état. " Une telle situation favorise une stabilité macro économique mais des consommateurs attendent impatiemment une baisse de l’essence ce qui renforcera leur pouvoir d’achat", ajoute t-il.
" Une faut une certaine décence des autorités pour respecter le décret qui a été appliqué lors de la hausse des prix du pétrole sur le marché mondial", argue M. Pharel.
Les prix du baril de pétrole ont rebondi vendredi à New York, après être tombés la veille sous les 70 dollars, les investisseurs anticipant une réduction de la production de l'Opep lors de sa réunion d'urgence convoquée la semaine prochaine.
L'Organisation des pays exportateurs de pétrole a avancé au 24 octobre une réunion d'urgence initialement fixée au 18 novembre, alors que le baril est tombé jeudi sous les 70 dollars à New York, au plus bas depuis août 2007. Les prix ont été divisés par plus de deux depuis le mois de juillet.
Le Haut commissaire aux droits de l’homme en Haïti du 1er au 5 novembre
Mme Navi Pillay évaluera les droits sociaux et économiques de la population face aux ouragans et à la crise alimentaire mondiale
Radio Kiskeya
samedi 18 octobre 2008
Le Haut commissaire de l’ONU aux droits de l’homme, Navi Pillay, effectuera du 1er au 5 novembre une visite de travail en Haïti, le deuxième pays du monde où elle séjournera depuis sa prise de fonction le 1er septembre dernier, a annoncé son bureau dans un communiqué publié à Genève.
Elle doit se rendre auparavant en Colombie du 27 octobre au 1er novembre.
A Port-au-Prince, Mme Pillay aura des entretiens avec le président René Préval, le Premier ministre Michèle Pierre-Louis, des membres de son gouvernement et des représentants de la société civile. Elle abordera notamment les conséquences que le récent passage de quatre tempêtes tropicales et ouragans ainsi que la hausse spectaculaire des prix alimentaires ont eues sur les droits économiques et sociaux de segements importants de la population.
La prédeccesseure de Navi Pillay au Haut commissariat des Nations Unies aux droits de l’homme, la canadienne Louise Arbour, avait visité Haïti en octobre 2006.
Radio Kiskeya
samedi 18 octobre 2008
Le Haut commissaire de l’ONU aux droits de l’homme, Navi Pillay, effectuera du 1er au 5 novembre une visite de travail en Haïti, le deuxième pays du monde où elle séjournera depuis sa prise de fonction le 1er septembre dernier, a annoncé son bureau dans un communiqué publié à Genève.
Elle doit se rendre auparavant en Colombie du 27 octobre au 1er novembre.
A Port-au-Prince, Mme Pillay aura des entretiens avec le président René Préval, le Premier ministre Michèle Pierre-Louis, des membres de son gouvernement et des représentants de la société civile. Elle abordera notamment les conséquences que le récent passage de quatre tempêtes tropicales et ouragans ainsi que la hausse spectaculaire des prix alimentaires ont eues sur les droits économiques et sociaux de segements importants de la population.
La prédeccesseure de Navi Pillay au Haut commissariat des Nations Unies aux droits de l’homme, la canadienne Louise Arbour, avait visité Haïti en octobre 2006.
Two Caribbeans emerge at EPA signing
Jamaica Gleaner
published: Sunday October 19, 2008
David Jessop THIS WEEK IN EUROPE
After months of argument and eleventh-hour confusion, the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) between Europe and Cariforum was signed in Barbados on October 15.
Guyana did not attend but is believed likely to sign in Brussels sometime before October 31, while Haiti has indicated that it will do so as soon as its remaining concerns can be addressed.
A little over a week before the formal ceremony, Guyana had proposed the introduction of a joint declaration between the European Commission (EC) and Cariforum.
This was intended to address shortcomings that Guyana said it had belatedly identified.
intense discussion
After an intense discussion, an amended text acceptable to the EC and Cariforum was arrived at that contained language requiring a review of the EPA after five years and words that relate to the precedence of the Treaty of Chaguaramas over the EPA.
Despite this, it remained unclear up to the night before the signing whether the Guyanese government would attend or accede to the treaty.
As a consequence, meetings involving Cariforum and the EC were still taking place on legal and procedural issues the night before the event.
In government circles in parts of the region and Europe, Guyanas stance is thought to originate in domestic political considerations although to be fair, Guyana has suggested that it sought a declaration because of what it saw as fatal, flaws in the text that were likely to be damaging to its interests and those of other Caricom states.
However, irrespective of its motivation, Guyanas decision to seek a joint declaration after all heads of government had more than once agreed to proceed with the EPA and following months of public debate, may have longer-term implications.
Frustration at Guyanas approach
Speaking to some senior political figures from the region before and at the signing, they made clear their frustration at Guyanas approach and their concern about the implications for regional decision making. The late intervention has also left Europe at the highest levels with serious doubts about Guyanas longer-term intentions in respect of the EPA and serious questions about the viability of the regional integration process.
In contrast, Haitis decision to delay was more prosaic and due to continuing reservations over some of the EPAs provisions relating to regional preference, especially in relation to the Dominican Republic, development aid and tariff levels.
The government in Port-au-Prince also indicated recent hurricanes had delayed completion of public and private-sector consultations.
However, since Haiti already benefits under the Everything but Arms initiative and has free goods access to European markets as a Least Developed Country (LDC), the EC has made clear that it has up to 2010 to negotiate before signing the EPA.
caustic debate on signing
But more broadly, the caustic debate in the run-up to signing and the event itself have made almost tangible a sense that two Caribbeans were emerging.
Setting aside the character assassination, suggestions that Caribbean heads had agreed a flawed document, letters questioning the role of senior figures and damaging inter-institutional rivalry, what is clear is that a more fundamental philosophical divide has emerged in the context of the EPA over the direction in which the region and its integration process is headed.
The polarisation of views suggests very different interpretations of the future course of Caribbean history.
tension between nations
As a consequence, it appears unavoidable that there will be further tension between those nations, political parties, institutions, industries and groups in civil society that see the EPA as a tool of open regionalism and others who seek a model based on what might be described as a defensive regionalism.
Oversimplified, this might see on one side of the argument Jamaica and Barbados trying to develop rapidly practical new approaches to Caribbean development using models and development tools that support opening and integration with the wider world; while on the other, those, such as Guyana, and some of the nations of the Eastern Caribbean which seek to engage in a process that aims to complete a single market and economy hoping to make use of the solidarity and political leverage of the developing world as a prelude to a more gradual insertion of the region into the global economy on its own terms.
This dichotomy and the difficult challenges it presents were brilliantly captured in remarks made at the signing by Barbados Foreign Minister Chris Sinkler.
In a personally written address that confirmed the reason why he has become so highly regarded internationally, he set out in considerable detail why he believed the region had met almost all of its negotiating requirements in the EPA a task of significance given that prior to entering government he had been one of the EPAs most strident critics.
challenging the region
Importantly, Sinckler found language to illustrate simply the need to move on and the challenge the region now faces.
The major question then, as it is now, and will always be going forward, is whether our region, we as a people, could afford the luxury of procrastination even in the face of fundamental global change ... he said.
Our signature of this agreement today ... represents a fundamental signal to the rest of the world that Caribbean countries are maturely and decidedly breaking with a long-loved past that in fact has now passed.
Of course, there are those among us who prefer like Lots wife, to look back at a life which we must have enjoyed and longed for to continue. We can have no quarrels with that. But surely, they understand that we must move on. Clearly, there are those who, like Charles Dickens Oliver Twist, will always say we have not got enough, keep on negotiating until you get all you want. But surely, they, too, understand that this is impractical and realities of the agenda set for us do not allow us that luxury. So we must move on.
And then they are those like the inimitable character in V.S. Naipauls classic Miguel Street who sawed and hammered and nailed day in and day out hoping to produce the perfect piece of furniture, only for it to be discovered by his neighbours that such a piece will never be delivered. Surely, they, too, must understand that no negotiated agreement is perfect and can produce perfect results ...
Space does not permit me to do justice to his remarks, which are available in full on the Barbados Ministry of Foreign Affairs website.
Despite this, it is valuable characterisation of the problems and attitudes the region must resolve as it now tries to implement the EPA.
David Jessop is director ofthe Caribbean Council. Email: david.jessop@caribbean-council.org.
published: Sunday October 19, 2008
David Jessop THIS WEEK IN EUROPE
After months of argument and eleventh-hour confusion, the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) between Europe and Cariforum was signed in Barbados on October 15.
Guyana did not attend but is believed likely to sign in Brussels sometime before October 31, while Haiti has indicated that it will do so as soon as its remaining concerns can be addressed.
A little over a week before the formal ceremony, Guyana had proposed the introduction of a joint declaration between the European Commission (EC) and Cariforum.
This was intended to address shortcomings that Guyana said it had belatedly identified.
intense discussion
After an intense discussion, an amended text acceptable to the EC and Cariforum was arrived at that contained language requiring a review of the EPA after five years and words that relate to the precedence of the Treaty of Chaguaramas over the EPA.
Despite this, it remained unclear up to the night before the signing whether the Guyanese government would attend or accede to the treaty.
As a consequence, meetings involving Cariforum and the EC were still taking place on legal and procedural issues the night before the event.
In government circles in parts of the region and Europe, Guyanas stance is thought to originate in domestic political considerations although to be fair, Guyana has suggested that it sought a declaration because of what it saw as fatal, flaws in the text that were likely to be damaging to its interests and those of other Caricom states.
However, irrespective of its motivation, Guyanas decision to seek a joint declaration after all heads of government had more than once agreed to proceed with the EPA and following months of public debate, may have longer-term implications.
Frustration at Guyanas approach
Speaking to some senior political figures from the region before and at the signing, they made clear their frustration at Guyanas approach and their concern about the implications for regional decision making. The late intervention has also left Europe at the highest levels with serious doubts about Guyanas longer-term intentions in respect of the EPA and serious questions about the viability of the regional integration process.
In contrast, Haitis decision to delay was more prosaic and due to continuing reservations over some of the EPAs provisions relating to regional preference, especially in relation to the Dominican Republic, development aid and tariff levels.
The government in Port-au-Prince also indicated recent hurricanes had delayed completion of public and private-sector consultations.
However, since Haiti already benefits under the Everything but Arms initiative and has free goods access to European markets as a Least Developed Country (LDC), the EC has made clear that it has up to 2010 to negotiate before signing the EPA.
caustic debate on signing
But more broadly, the caustic debate in the run-up to signing and the event itself have made almost tangible a sense that two Caribbeans were emerging.
Setting aside the character assassination, suggestions that Caribbean heads had agreed a flawed document, letters questioning the role of senior figures and damaging inter-institutional rivalry, what is clear is that a more fundamental philosophical divide has emerged in the context of the EPA over the direction in which the region and its integration process is headed.
The polarisation of views suggests very different interpretations of the future course of Caribbean history.
tension between nations
As a consequence, it appears unavoidable that there will be further tension between those nations, political parties, institutions, industries and groups in civil society that see the EPA as a tool of open regionalism and others who seek a model based on what might be described as a defensive regionalism.
Oversimplified, this might see on one side of the argument Jamaica and Barbados trying to develop rapidly practical new approaches to Caribbean development using models and development tools that support opening and integration with the wider world; while on the other, those, such as Guyana, and some of the nations of the Eastern Caribbean which seek to engage in a process that aims to complete a single market and economy hoping to make use of the solidarity and political leverage of the developing world as a prelude to a more gradual insertion of the region into the global economy on its own terms.
This dichotomy and the difficult challenges it presents were brilliantly captured in remarks made at the signing by Barbados Foreign Minister Chris Sinkler.
In a personally written address that confirmed the reason why he has become so highly regarded internationally, he set out in considerable detail why he believed the region had met almost all of its negotiating requirements in the EPA a task of significance given that prior to entering government he had been one of the EPAs most strident critics.
challenging the region
Importantly, Sinckler found language to illustrate simply the need to move on and the challenge the region now faces.
The major question then, as it is now, and will always be going forward, is whether our region, we as a people, could afford the luxury of procrastination even in the face of fundamental global change ... he said.
Our signature of this agreement today ... represents a fundamental signal to the rest of the world that Caribbean countries are maturely and decidedly breaking with a long-loved past that in fact has now passed.
Of course, there are those among us who prefer like Lots wife, to look back at a life which we must have enjoyed and longed for to continue. We can have no quarrels with that. But surely, they understand that we must move on. Clearly, there are those who, like Charles Dickens Oliver Twist, will always say we have not got enough, keep on negotiating until you get all you want. But surely, they, too, understand that this is impractical and realities of the agenda set for us do not allow us that luxury. So we must move on.
And then they are those like the inimitable character in V.S. Naipauls classic Miguel Street who sawed and hammered and nailed day in and day out hoping to produce the perfect piece of furniture, only for it to be discovered by his neighbours that such a piece will never be delivered. Surely, they, too, must understand that no negotiated agreement is perfect and can produce perfect results ...
Space does not permit me to do justice to his remarks, which are available in full on the Barbados Ministry of Foreign Affairs website.
Despite this, it is valuable characterisation of the problems and attitudes the region must resolve as it now tries to implement the EPA.
David Jessop is director ofthe Caribbean Council. Email: david.jessop@caribbean-council.org.
What next after EPA?
Nation News
Published on: 10/19/08.
by RICKEY SINGH
FINALLY, the on-and-off official signing ceremony for a full Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) between the Caribbean and the European Union (EU) is over.
The divisions that surfaced among proponents and antagonists for a delay to make it a more improved partnership will linger.
For now, as Guyana prepares to add its signature this week to those of last Wednesday's 13 at the Sherbourne Conference Centre – with Haiti's to come much later – there is question of immediate relevance. For example, how prepared are the 15 CARIFORUM countries (CARICOM's 14 and the Dominican Republic) for the implementation process of this new historic relationship being forged with Europe?
Barbados' feisty Minister of Foreign Affairs, Foreign Trade and International Business, Chris Sinckler, once a leading opponent of the EPA when he served as Executive Director of the Caribbean Policy Development Centre (CPDC), may well have reflected a widely shared sentiment when he spoke at the EPA signing ceremony.
He said: "This is a highly complex and comprehensive agreement (250 Articles covering some 2 000 pages), and the effort needed to implement it will be at times more onerous than that spent negotiating it . . . "
It is an observation with which the key actors of both the European Commission (executive arm of the EU) and the Caribbean Regional Negotiating Machinery (CRNM) who were directly involved, with ministerial inputs, as well as their critics could concur. This is so even as one side insists that the signed EPA document represents "the best deal we could have", and others hold it up as a "flawed agreement" of contentious clauses, including trade and services.
Secretary General of both CARICOM and CARIFORUM, Edwin Carrington, had earlier said "what this new economic partnership now demands of us, CARIFORUM and EC, more than ever, is prudent and effective implementation by all parties . . . ".
There are also, let's admit, a need to speedily remove prevailing 'bad blood' between the CRNM and the CARICOM Secretariat to ensure a more open collaborative effort in the best interest of the Community.
Undoubtedly, there are good people in both who now should be encouraged to work more in harmony and avoid the conflicts over turf that have so often arisen and which CARICOM leaders have failed to resolve. Initiatives for a sensible resolution should begin before the start of coming negotiations on Trade and Development with Canada, and later, in 2009, with the United States of America.
For a start, it should be recognised that a significant difference exists between the European Commission, empowered with executive authority, to function in the interest of the European Union member states and the CARICOM Secretariat that does not come anywhere near to enjoying such a mandate.
The EC negotiates and implements. The CARICOM/CARIFORUM Secretariat is invariably left to implement what's negotiated by the CRNM, with the assistance of a 'college of negotiators' and in consultation with the Council On Trade And Economic Development (COTED). It is then accountable to the Community's Prime Ministerial Subcommittee On External Economic Negotiations.
Had CARICOM heads of government, past and present, summoned the courage to implement a visionary programme for effective governance of the business of the region's integration scheme, some of today's problems relating to the functioning of the CRNM and the Community Secretariat would not exist.
As things are, the CARIFORUM Secretariat functions out of the CARICOM Secretariat in Georgetown, under the same Secretary General; while the CRNM is not even officially listed as a treaty-based "institution" of our 15-member Community and has no legal obligation to be accountable to the Secretariat.
By virtue of an arrangement put in place under its first Chief Negotiator, Sir Shridath Ramphal, the CRNM reports directly to the Prime Ministerial Subcommittee On External Negotiations which, in turn reports to the heads of government as the supreme organ of the Community.
The European Union has already concluded arrangements for some 40 million Euros to assist in the implementation proceses in the interest of the regional economic integration scheme as this pertains to both the CARICOM Single Market and Economy (CSME) and the EPA with Europe.
Which of the two will take precedence, or how complementarity figures in the implementation process of both (CSME and EPA) may unfold in the months ahead?
Published on: 10/19/08.
by RICKEY SINGH
FINALLY, the on-and-off official signing ceremony for a full Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) between the Caribbean and the European Union (EU) is over.
The divisions that surfaced among proponents and antagonists for a delay to make it a more improved partnership will linger.
For now, as Guyana prepares to add its signature this week to those of last Wednesday's 13 at the Sherbourne Conference Centre – with Haiti's to come much later – there is question of immediate relevance. For example, how prepared are the 15 CARIFORUM countries (CARICOM's 14 and the Dominican Republic) for the implementation process of this new historic relationship being forged with Europe?
Barbados' feisty Minister of Foreign Affairs, Foreign Trade and International Business, Chris Sinckler, once a leading opponent of the EPA when he served as Executive Director of the Caribbean Policy Development Centre (CPDC), may well have reflected a widely shared sentiment when he spoke at the EPA signing ceremony.
He said: "This is a highly complex and comprehensive agreement (250 Articles covering some 2 000 pages), and the effort needed to implement it will be at times more onerous than that spent negotiating it . . . "
It is an observation with which the key actors of both the European Commission (executive arm of the EU) and the Caribbean Regional Negotiating Machinery (CRNM) who were directly involved, with ministerial inputs, as well as their critics could concur. This is so even as one side insists that the signed EPA document represents "the best deal we could have", and others hold it up as a "flawed agreement" of contentious clauses, including trade and services.
Secretary General of both CARICOM and CARIFORUM, Edwin Carrington, had earlier said "what this new economic partnership now demands of us, CARIFORUM and EC, more than ever, is prudent and effective implementation by all parties . . . ".
There are also, let's admit, a need to speedily remove prevailing 'bad blood' between the CRNM and the CARICOM Secretariat to ensure a more open collaborative effort in the best interest of the Community.
Undoubtedly, there are good people in both who now should be encouraged to work more in harmony and avoid the conflicts over turf that have so often arisen and which CARICOM leaders have failed to resolve. Initiatives for a sensible resolution should begin before the start of coming negotiations on Trade and Development with Canada, and later, in 2009, with the United States of America.
For a start, it should be recognised that a significant difference exists between the European Commission, empowered with executive authority, to function in the interest of the European Union member states and the CARICOM Secretariat that does not come anywhere near to enjoying such a mandate.
The EC negotiates and implements. The CARICOM/CARIFORUM Secretariat is invariably left to implement what's negotiated by the CRNM, with the assistance of a 'college of negotiators' and in consultation with the Council On Trade And Economic Development (COTED). It is then accountable to the Community's Prime Ministerial Subcommittee On External Economic Negotiations.
Had CARICOM heads of government, past and present, summoned the courage to implement a visionary programme for effective governance of the business of the region's integration scheme, some of today's problems relating to the functioning of the CRNM and the Community Secretariat would not exist.
As things are, the CARIFORUM Secretariat functions out of the CARICOM Secretariat in Georgetown, under the same Secretary General; while the CRNM is not even officially listed as a treaty-based "institution" of our 15-member Community and has no legal obligation to be accountable to the Secretariat.
By virtue of an arrangement put in place under its first Chief Negotiator, Sir Shridath Ramphal, the CRNM reports directly to the Prime Ministerial Subcommittee On External Negotiations which, in turn reports to the heads of government as the supreme organ of the Community.
The European Union has already concluded arrangements for some 40 million Euros to assist in the implementation proceses in the interest of the regional economic integration scheme as this pertains to both the CARICOM Single Market and Economy (CSME) and the EPA with Europe.
Which of the two will take precedence, or how complementarity figures in the implementation process of both (CSME and EPA) may unfold in the months ahead?
Relance par le PNUD d’un programme d’aménagement du territoire aux Gonaïves
Déjà 7.500 emplois sur 400.000 annoncés par le PNUD
Radio Kiskeya
samedi 18 octobre 2008
Le Programme des Nations Unies pour le développement (PNUD) a annoncé mercredi dans un communiqué la relance d’un programme d’aménagement du territoire aux Gonaïves (Artibonite, Nord), après l’avoir suspendu suite aux quatre récents ouragans qui ont détruit les infrastructures de la ville.
Sept mille cinq cents personnes (7,500.00) sont engagées dans le cadre de ce programme.
Outre la création d’emplois, ce programme aide à réduire les risques de catastrophes liées au changement climatique, souligne le communiqué du PNUD. La construction de digues, de murs et le reboisement sont entrepris en vue d’empêcher les glissements de terrain et réduire à l’avenir les ravages provoqués par des inondations et des coulées de boue.
Le programme est mis en œuvre par le PNUD, l’Organisation internationale du travail (OIT) et l’Organisation des Nations Unies pour l’alimentation et l’agriculture (FAO), avec le soutien de la France et du Japon.
« L’emploi est une condition clé de la stabilité sociale », précise le communiqué, citant un des responsables du programme, M. Jean Marie Vander Wouwer. « Avec le soutien des donateurs, nous sommes prêts à développer ce programme en employant 2.500 personnes supplémentaires », a-t-il ajouté.
“La reconstruction d’Haïti passe par des solutions ciblées qui ont des effets durables », a souligné de son côté le coordonnateur humanitaire des Nations Unies en Haïti, Joël Boutroue, cité par le communiqué du PNUD. « Il faut chercher à réduire l’impact des futures catastrophes, maintenir la stabilité sociale et construire les fondations pour un filet de sécurité sociale. Nous avons plus de chances d’arriver à reconstruire Haïti grâce à des programmes de ce genre », a-t-il dit.
Le PNUD prévoit de mettre en oeuvre des programmes qui fourniront un emploi à 400.000 personnes, a conclu le communiqué, sans préciser le délai fixé pour atteindre un tel objectif.
Radio Kiskeya
samedi 18 octobre 2008
Le Programme des Nations Unies pour le développement (PNUD) a annoncé mercredi dans un communiqué la relance d’un programme d’aménagement du territoire aux Gonaïves (Artibonite, Nord), après l’avoir suspendu suite aux quatre récents ouragans qui ont détruit les infrastructures de la ville.
Sept mille cinq cents personnes (7,500.00) sont engagées dans le cadre de ce programme.
Outre la création d’emplois, ce programme aide à réduire les risques de catastrophes liées au changement climatique, souligne le communiqué du PNUD. La construction de digues, de murs et le reboisement sont entrepris en vue d’empêcher les glissements de terrain et réduire à l’avenir les ravages provoqués par des inondations et des coulées de boue.
Le programme est mis en œuvre par le PNUD, l’Organisation internationale du travail (OIT) et l’Organisation des Nations Unies pour l’alimentation et l’agriculture (FAO), avec le soutien de la France et du Japon.
« L’emploi est une condition clé de la stabilité sociale », précise le communiqué, citant un des responsables du programme, M. Jean Marie Vander Wouwer. « Avec le soutien des donateurs, nous sommes prêts à développer ce programme en employant 2.500 personnes supplémentaires », a-t-il ajouté.
“La reconstruction d’Haïti passe par des solutions ciblées qui ont des effets durables », a souligné de son côté le coordonnateur humanitaire des Nations Unies en Haïti, Joël Boutroue, cité par le communiqué du PNUD. « Il faut chercher à réduire l’impact des futures catastrophes, maintenir la stabilité sociale et construire les fondations pour un filet de sécurité sociale. Nous avons plus de chances d’arriver à reconstruire Haïti grâce à des programmes de ce genre », a-t-il dit.
Le PNUD prévoit de mettre en oeuvre des programmes qui fourniront un emploi à 400.000 personnes, a conclu le communiqué, sans préciser le délai fixé pour atteindre un tel objectif.
México gana escaño en Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU
Recibió 185 votos en favor, más de los que esperaba la SRE
Wilbert Torre y Silvia OteroCorresponsal y reportera
El Universal
Sábado 18 de octubre de 2008
silvia.otero@eluniversal.com.mx
WASHINGTON.— México fue electo miembro no permanente del Consejo de Seguridad de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas (ONU) en un escenario mundial acentuado por la existencia de focos rojos en varias regiones del mundo, lo que supondrá el desafío de tomar posiciones y participar en negociaciones vitales para la solución de conflictos internacionales.
Claude Heller, embajador ante la ONU, dijo que México hará todo lo posible por devolver a la institución la relevancia que nunca debió perder.
En entrevista, dijo que el multilateralismo y el papel internacional de la ONU han resultado debilitados por acciones unilaterales y conflictos tan relevantes como la incursión militar de Estados Unidos en Irak.
“Al paso del tiempo se ha reconocido que cualquier país por poderoso que sea requiere de las Naciones Unidas”, advirtió Heller. Dijo que comenzará una etapa en la que se trabajará por fortalecer el multilateralismo y el peso global de la ONU.
La elección de México no fue una sorpresa, pero sí llamó la atención el número de votos que obtuvo —185 de 192—, una cifra por encima de lo que esperaba la Cancillería mexicana.
México fue electo para el bienio 2009-2010, de manera que es casi un hecho que en el segundo año tendrá como compañero de puestos rotatorios a Brasil, un país con el que existe una relación sólida y estable más allá de la soterrada —y a veces no tanto— disputa que ambas naciones libran con frecuencia por el liderazgo en América Latina.
Junto a México fueron electos otros miembros no permanentes del Consejo de Seguridad: Austria, Japón, Turquía y Uganda.
En entrevista con EL UNIVERSAL, en septiembre pasado, el secretario general de la ONU, Ban-Ki Moon, dijo si era electo miembro del Consejo de Seguridad, México podría jugar un papel importante representando a los países de América Latina y El Caribe. Opinó que puede incidir en Haití, que vive una situación política y económica volátil.
Sus tareas
El ingreso de México al Consejo de Seguridad no implica el envío de tropas mexicanas para operaciones de mantenimiento para la paz en otras naciones, aseguró Juan Manuel Gómez Robledo, subsecretario para Asuntos Multilaterales y Derechos Humanos de la SRE.
Aunque en su página de internet, la SRE indica que “la participación de México buscará abrir espacios para fomentar el desarrollo del concepto multidimensional de la seguridad, que permita enfrentar las nuevas amenazas como el terrorismo, el crimen transnacional organizado, la pobreza extrema, el deterioro ambiental y violaciones a los derechos humanos”.
Wilbert Torre y Silvia OteroCorresponsal y reportera
El Universal
Sábado 18 de octubre de 2008
silvia.otero@eluniversal.com.mx
WASHINGTON.— México fue electo miembro no permanente del Consejo de Seguridad de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas (ONU) en un escenario mundial acentuado por la existencia de focos rojos en varias regiones del mundo, lo que supondrá el desafío de tomar posiciones y participar en negociaciones vitales para la solución de conflictos internacionales.
Claude Heller, embajador ante la ONU, dijo que México hará todo lo posible por devolver a la institución la relevancia que nunca debió perder.
En entrevista, dijo que el multilateralismo y el papel internacional de la ONU han resultado debilitados por acciones unilaterales y conflictos tan relevantes como la incursión militar de Estados Unidos en Irak.
“Al paso del tiempo se ha reconocido que cualquier país por poderoso que sea requiere de las Naciones Unidas”, advirtió Heller. Dijo que comenzará una etapa en la que se trabajará por fortalecer el multilateralismo y el peso global de la ONU.
La elección de México no fue una sorpresa, pero sí llamó la atención el número de votos que obtuvo —185 de 192—, una cifra por encima de lo que esperaba la Cancillería mexicana.
México fue electo para el bienio 2009-2010, de manera que es casi un hecho que en el segundo año tendrá como compañero de puestos rotatorios a Brasil, un país con el que existe una relación sólida y estable más allá de la soterrada —y a veces no tanto— disputa que ambas naciones libran con frecuencia por el liderazgo en América Latina.
Junto a México fueron electos otros miembros no permanentes del Consejo de Seguridad: Austria, Japón, Turquía y Uganda.
En entrevista con EL UNIVERSAL, en septiembre pasado, el secretario general de la ONU, Ban-Ki Moon, dijo si era electo miembro del Consejo de Seguridad, México podría jugar un papel importante representando a los países de América Latina y El Caribe. Opinó que puede incidir en Haití, que vive una situación política y económica volátil.
Sus tareas
El ingreso de México al Consejo de Seguridad no implica el envío de tropas mexicanas para operaciones de mantenimiento para la paz en otras naciones, aseguró Juan Manuel Gómez Robledo, subsecretario para Asuntos Multilaterales y Derechos Humanos de la SRE.
Aunque en su página de internet, la SRE indica que “la participación de México buscará abrir espacios para fomentar el desarrollo del concepto multidimensional de la seguridad, que permita enfrentar las nuevas amenazas como el terrorismo, el crimen transnacional organizado, la pobreza extrema, el deterioro ambiental y violaciones a los derechos humanos”.
Inscription à :
Articles (Atom)
